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- <text id=91TT1981>
- <title>
- Sep. 09, 1991: The Presidency
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1991
- Sep. 09, 1991 Power Vacuum
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- NATION, Page 18
- THE PRESIDENCY
- Rebuilding a Moral Framework
- </hdr><body>
- <p>By Hugh Sidey
- </p>
- <p> If communism as we have known and hated it is out of the way,
- perhaps George Bush can now talk unabashedly to Soviet officials
- about such good old-fashioned values as God, truth and the
- sanctity of human life. Evangelist Billy Graham, who talked to
- Boris Yeltsin and Mikhail Gorbachev shortly before the botched
- coup, returned from the Soviet Union and passed the word to his
- friend Bush that both men had told him of the need for "some
- philosophy, some religion, an inner strength" for their society.
- </p>
- <p> How dramatic a change that is in the nature of Big Power
- relationships is now up for discussion by the President and his
- men. On the waters of Kennebunkport, Bush and his National
- Security Adviser, Brent Scowcroft, ponder "the new rationality,"
- where facts will not be obliterated by rigid ideology. White
- House planners are anticipating a reemergence of Christianity in
- Russia, bringing with it a moral framework that has long been
- absent from Soviet political life.
- </p>
- <p> For much of this century, U.S. Presidents have found that
- dealing with the "unnatural" concepts of communism was often more
- difficult than confronting Soviet military power, which was
- measurable and matchable. Harry Truman, like most American pols,
- believed he could touch the soul of any man he sat down with
- after a couple of toddies. He came back from the Potsdam
- Conference in 1945 enamored of the new friend he called "Old Joe"
- Stalin. Then the cold war started, and Truman got a clear view of
- the dark heart of a fanatic communist.
- </p>
- <p> After the Bay of Pigs, and with tension rising in Berlin,
- John Kennedy went to Vienna believing that he could find some
- agreement with Nikita Khrushchev on how to reduce the threat of
- nuclear war. Instead he drew blank stares and threats. Throughout
- that grim summer Kennedy would talk to friends about Khrushchev's
- seeming indifference to the specter of millions of people dying
- in a nuclear exchange. "I'd never encountered anybody like that
- before," Kennedy mused.
- </p>
- <p> Lyndon Johnson, the master persuader, thought he could work a
- little magic with Alexei Kosygin at the Glassboro summit in 1967
- and slow arms sales to the troubled Middle East. Kosygin joined
- heartily in swapping stories about going hungry and chopping wood
- as boys. But the cold curtain came down when they got around to
- discussing a deal to ease tension. L.B.J. emerged from that
- meeting, his long face sagging, and told his National Security
- Adviser, Walt Rostow, "I've used everything I know, but I think
- I've failed."
- </p>
- <p> Richard Nixon probably understood the nature of communism
- best, perhaps because of his conspiratorial bent and his take-no-
- prisoners approach to U.S. politics. Ronald Reagan was the most
- candid when he branded the system "the evil empire."
- </p>
- <p> White House Soviet experts say the "amorality of communism"
- continued to bedevil Presidents up until Gorbachev took power.
- The first hint of change came when British Prime Minister
- Margaret Thatcher in 1984 signaled to Reagan that Gorbachev
- seemed realistic and trustworthy. If whatever Soviet entity
- survives this upheaval embraces the human values of democracy, it
- will, in the view of former Secretary of Defense James
- Schlesinger, "make it easier emotionally and conceptually for us,
- but it won't be any easier in terms of the number of problems."
- That's gain enough.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
-
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